Melamine traces found in samples of U.S. infant formula
美國食品藥物管理局檢驗到了一些本國生產的牛奶含有微量三聚氰胺和三聚氰酸 ( Cyanuric acid ) ，本來不打算公佈的。可是，聯合通訊社 (AP) 引用透明資訊法Freedom of Information Act (FOIA)，強迫它公開。
結果，五個有問題的產品，雀巢佔了三個。
回想它當初在臺灣囂張的德行，我還真有些幸災樂禍。
月份: 十一月 2008
軍訓教官的隨想
我對軍訓教官的記憶是片片斷斷的。
在高中時，我還是喝國民黨奶水的乖寶寶，教官和我應該是不會有什麼往來的。不過，就算我那麼乖，教官還是找到我頭上來！
那時高中生規定要理小平頭，檢查那一天，上面的頭髮不可以超過一公分。那時，教官會去找其他「壞」同學麻煩，因為他們都不喜歡那麼短的頭髮。而我，因為家中有個推髮器，懶得外出理髮的我，就請老媽把所有頭髮全部推光。結果，教官還是跑來找我麻煩，嫌我旁邊的頭髮沒有短到只剩髮根！
另外一段記憶是高中時的教官對全班宣佈，要參加國民黨的可以找他報名。（據說某些學校是強迫的）
軍訓課教的是什麼呢？我記得的實在少的可憐。我只記得在上大一軍訓課時，有一課是在講民族英雄，其中有越王勾踐、岳飛等，然後要討論。那時有一個姓蘇的同學發言說這些都是中華民族自己打來打去，所以根本就不是什麼民族英雄。結果，教官在最後評論時，特別提到有一個同學「思想有偏差」，要另外找時間特別輔導。下課後，他臉色蒼白地跟我說他以後絕不會在軍訓課發言了。
這位非常聰明的蘇同學有時就和我窩在教室的角落聊天。他感慨地說台灣絕不會有諾貝爾獎得主，因為受過軍訓、成功嶺訓練和當過兵後，腦袋也差不多完蛋了。（李遠哲証明他是錯的）
我在大學時代，翹的課比上的還多，作業不交的比交的還多，成績也爛得很可以了。可是，我絕不作弊 — 除了軍訓之外。而我也不知道有那位同學是在軍訓考試不作弊的。
這幾天聽到馬英九政府要擴大學校教官制度，我第一個想罵的是陳水扁。這八年的時間，只要總統以三軍統帥下令所有教官回歸軍隊，教育部和學校自然會補上專業的學生輔導人員（諮詢師、心理師），這個問題早就解決了。陳水扁把學生輔導工作當成給軍人的慈善事業，不敢改革，乃至於今天國民黨可以輕易地借屍還魂。
想到學校教官，我就想到當兵時的一個步兵幹訓班區隊長朋友（柯子仁）覺悟到的一段話 :「軍人的訓練就是如何殺人和如何避免被殺。」
軍人教官在學校，是要殺人呢？還是要避免被殺呢？
最近的資訊
本來想一週整理一次，奈何時間有限，這些大概是十多天的資訊 :
British government … invoked a 2001 antiterrorism act to freeze an Icelandic bank’s assets in Britain.
The US study found autism rates were higher among children whose states experienced higher rainfall in their first three years.
全世界 iPod nano 的價格(paul.kedrosky.com)
IMF 看到 2009 年全球經濟衰退（Wall Street Journal )
台灣是世界第一個限制購買Freddie Mae, Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac (FRE) 和 Ginnie Mae的國家 : (白痴金管會）
Taiwan’s financial regulators reportedly have ordered that nation’s insurance companies to pare their holdings of the debt and mortgage-backed securities of Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac (FRE) and Ginnie Mae securities, according to a report on the Internet site of Asian Investor magazine.
中國的經濟部長謝旭人飛了 32 小時到 Peru，還沒參加會議就被召回處理經濟危機（有那麼急、那麼嚴重嗎？）
New Hampshire 州容許十年級的高中生畢業去大學上課 (Time)
中國製的有毒血液稀釋劑被查扣 (Scientific America)
連假藥都不用，水就有藥效了 (Scientific America)
China Eastern (Shanghai-based)
Revenue Passenger Miles (RPM): -13.4%
Air China (Beijing-based)
RPM: -7.9%
China Southern (Guangzhou-based)
RPM: -5.4%
Freight is down too (tonne-kilometers):
China Eastern: -21.5%
Air China: -14.3%
China Southern: -15.2%
中國關廠、工人受苦 (New York Times)
研考會的一群猴子
研考會自己網頁上公佈了馬英九的最新民調 :
總統就任近六個月以來，4成3(43.2%)的受訪者滿意他的表現；而有近3成8（37.7％）的受訪者對於行政院劉兆玄院長這段期間的施政表現感到滿意。另外，行政院團隊整體滿意度則為4成（40.2％），並有5成4的受訪者認為整個行政院團隊的表現比3個月前更好。
…
48.9﹪的受訪者認為劉兆玄院長未來會表現得更好，有52.4﹪的受訪者看好整個行政院團隊未來的表現；同時有5成7的民眾對於未來1年政府施政有信心。
其他的什麼不滿意度、警察打人、主權顧慮等等的，一概不說。
真是辛苦，要從一大堆壞民調中挑出好的來公佈，為的就是要讓九流政權好看。至於人民，能騙就騙吧！
研考會分明就是「不管白猴黑猴，會鬼扯的就是好猴」！
註 : 美國最有名的猴子是這三隻 :
代表的是 “See No Evil, Hear No Evil, Speak No Evil" (看不到壞事、聽不到壞事、說不出壞話)。
美國宣佈禁止中國奶製品
中國的二三四奶為害台灣已久，不過大家都習慣了。現在，中國牛奶席捲全世界，搞到美國都受不了。
美國食品及藥物管理局在 11月12日下令全面禁止中國牛奶及使用中國牛奶的製品﹔包括冰淇淋、糖果、飲料、布丁、貓食、狗食、等等的 : http://www.fda.gov/ora/fiars/ora_import_ia9930.html
馬政府不是要和國際接軌嗎？學學美國吧！
林文亮 — 雲林的另一隻走狗
今天的新聞出現了另一隻走狗 :
雲林地檢署主任檢察官林文亮十五日強調，蘇治芬縣長涉及的璟美案七千萬元工程費，業者就必須拿出一千萬元行 賄官員；長庚醫療大樓三億一千二百萬元工程費，要拿出六千萬元行賄，最後討價還價為一千六百萬元，業者投資不僅要付出高代價，還要應付藍綠都要「吃」的惡 劣行徑，嚴重破壞雲林投資環境，最後卻是由全體雲林縣民付出昂貴代價。
到現在為止，還沒有查到一毛錢進入蘇治芬的口袋。所以，這些都是屁話鬼話走狗的話！
要當走狗，汪汪就好了。說這些狗話只會讓林文亮更加「萬古流芳」罷了！
就這樣讓古狗留下這一頁走狗的行為吧！
古狗大神的第一頁 : http://www.google.com/search?q=林文亮
馬英九老師 ( Jerome A. Cohen )的評論
昨天收到馬英九在哈佛的指導教授 Jerome A. Cohen 的回信。他在信中附上對最近臺灣局勢的看法，這篇應該就是發表在香港的 SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST。
很不巧的，我今天會很忙，沒時間處理這篇。
大家加油了！
按下圖可以看到原來的文件 (pdf 檔） :
以下是重編的英文檔 :
Improved cross-strait relations appear to have come at a cost to some civil liberties in Taiwan, writes Jerome Cohen
Ties that blind
Last week’s historic visit to Taiwan by Beijing’s crosss trait chief, Chen Yunlin, which culminated in four useful agreements, focused attention on issues of human rights as well as politics. Some issues concerned the proper government response to public protests in a free society. Others involved fair investigation of former and present government leaders suspected of corruption.
Chinese have recognised the importance of protecting foreign envoys or almost 3,000 years. The feudal states that contended for power before establishment of the Qin dynasty reciprocally assured the personal safety of their emissaries. Such protection has continued to be indispensable to interstate co-operation.
After police in Tainan failed to prevent an assault on Mr Chen’s deputy, president Ma Ying-jeou’s government was obligated to do better during Mr Chen’s visit. Although police could not prevent Mr Chen from being trapped in a hotel for eight hours by a huge mob of protesters, they did defend him against bodily harm throughout a stressful week.
In doing so, they went beyond the limits of a free society, forbidding peaceful protesters from displaying Taiwanese and Tibetan flags, confiscating flags from demonstrators, closing a store that played Taiwanese songs and seeking to minimise the visitors’ awareness of the protests. There were also incidents of police brutality, albeit sometimes in response to violent provocations by demonstrators.
The police misconduct even outraged many local supporters of Mr Chen’s visit. Mr Ma, in addition to implementing his campaign pledge to sponsor revision of the Assembly and Parade Law to eliminate protesters’ need for advance official permission, should recommend amendments prohibiting the kind of undemocratic police practices that recently occurred and order training designed to enhance police compliance with the law. It is encouraging to note that Democratic Progressive Party chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen, who led the massive opposition demonstration, has subsequently called not only for a government review of police misconduct but also for a re-examination by her own party of its failures to maintain order among its demonstrators. The DPP, if it is to fulfil its essential role as democratic opposition, must not degenerate into an army of street fighters.
Some Taiwanese and foreign critics took the occasion of Mr Chen’s visit to call attention to another crucial feature of democratic government – the fair prosecution of current and former officials suspected of corruption. The critics voiced three serious complaints about recent arrests and incommunicado detentions of prominent DPP figures who have served as government officials. They imply that the DPP is being singled out for prosecutions while corruption among Kuomintang leaders is being ignored. They also claim that: most DPP suspects have been held incommunicado without a court examination of the justification for their detentions; and that prosecutors’ offices have been leaking detrimental information about the suspects to the media while denying them knowledge of the leaks and a chance to refute the “trial by press”.
These practices, it is said, bring into question the political neutrality of the judiciary, and the presumption of innocence and other elements of due process required for the fair and open trials essential to democracy, raising the spectre of the unjust procedures of “the dark days of martial law” (1947-1987). It is not clear whether critics’ claims of “selective prosecution” are well founded. Recent arrests may simply reflect massive corruption by the DPP, which dominated executive government for the past eight years – corruption that allegedly reached as high as former president Chen Shui-bian and his family.
Oddly, although during the Chen administration some prosecutions were brought against both DPP and KMT figures, some obvious KMT targets were overlooked despite reportedly thick dossiers compiled by Control Yuan investigators. Mr Ma should appoint a commission of impartial experts to review such prosecutions.
It does not appear that any of the recently detained DPP figures were denied a court hearing or their right to counsel. Moreover, there is a legislative basis for the courts’ decisions to detain them incommunicado for up to four months of investigation if there is a reasonable basis for believing that the suspects might otherwise falsify evidence. Yet, in view of the harshness of this pre-indictment
sanction and the obstacles it creates to mounting an adequate defence, it ought to be invoked rarely.
Certainly, the Legislative Yuan, or the commission suggested here, should reexamine legislation to strike a new balance between the threat of corruption to a democratic government and the threat of incommunicado detention to civil liberty.
The charge of biased prosecution leaks to the press seems to be the most straightforward of the critics’ complaints. Such leaks, which occur in many countries, do appear to have taken place and cannot be allowed in a democratic system.
………………………………………………………
Jerome A. Cohen is co-director of NYU’s US-Asia Law Institute and adjunct senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations
徵求走狗、鷹犬的姓名
我找了一下，但名字仍無法確定。
請網友幫我找找下列走狗鷹犬的名字。
- 特偵組成員
- 准許蘇治芬收押的法官
- 准許阿扁收押的法官
我想經過古狗大神(google) 恭喜他們的歷史成就。
先行致謝！
孩子的讀物 — Red Scarf Girl (Memoir)
在美國的小學、初中 ( elementary school, middle school)，孩子們沒有英文課，也沒有國文課，他們有的是「語言藝術」（Language Art)。
聯邦政府不管孩子學的是什麼（不管），各州自己訂下孩子該學的東西 ( 一綱），然後各校自己選課本 (多本）。課本又厚又重又精美，一年用一本，免費使用，可是要一年一年地傳下去。所以，用到學年結束還要像新的一樣。兒子七年級的課本中，沒有一篇是「文言文」。
可是，各校各老師還是可以隨自己高興來教學生，用不用課本都沒什麼限制。（隨便用）
所以，美國的課本政策，從上到下是 : 不管、一綱、多本、隨便用。
這幾天，小兒子讀的是「Red Scrarf Girl」（紅領巾女孩回憶錄）。那是關於中國文化大革命的故事。為了更多的瞭解，老師還要孩子們讀毛主席的指示。（雖然我的孩子根本不知道他在讀什麼）
兒子帶回家的這本已經破破爛爛了，前頁還有作者本人上次來他們學校座談的簽名。（女兒念初中時還參加過她的座談。）
美國人常常自嘲自己只知道美國，對國際事務混然不知，但是我的孩子在初一就讀到了中國文化大革命的回憶錄。
而臺灣呢？還在讀孔孟思想、料羅灣的魚舟嗎？
從古狗大神 (google) 討公道
在寫完「劉家芳 . 走狗 . 哈！」後，我到 google.com 去找更進一步的資料。結果，第一頁就是 :
這樣做，也許不會有立即明顯的效果。不過，就讓劉家芳、他的親朋好友、孩子孫子，都可以看到劉家芳是走狗。
阿扁無能、也沒有意願去做轉型正義。今天，我只好利用 Google 來做轉型正義，讓這些人遺臭萬年。
以後我的部拉格會出現很多「走狗」、「鷹犬」等等的文章，特在此先做公告。
昆蟲 